Eszter KATUS

Átlátszó reported on the Orbán family estate since 2012. Since then, the former agricultural complex evolved into a palace complete with exotic animals.

For four years, the company of Viktor Orbán's friend Lőrinc Mészáros may provide fleet services to the Hungarian University of Agricultural and Life Sciences for EUR 214,644.

This time however, unlike previous instances, the expensive event will not be organized by the government's favorite propaganda supplier.

These unproven accusations can now destroy independent editorial offices and civil society organizations under the so-called transparency bill.

The prime minister's new press chief is a co-owner of a construction company, which won hundreds of millions of HUF in public funds through a few invitation-only public procurement tenders.

Despite mounting deficits in Hungary’s yearly state budget, no expenses are spared when it comes to developing Kisvárda, hometown of Fidesz MP Miklós Seszták.

After joining an opposition party, former army chief-of-staff Romulusz Ruszin-Szendi was slammed by pro-government media for an expensive mansion. We looked into how the construction of the residence got approved.

Long-time Fidesz campaigner Gyula Balásy's companies are winning communication contracts with no real competition.

Our newspaper has reported on the cases of suspected corruption that the NNI is forced to investigate thanks to the intervention of Ágnes Vadai, the Integrity Authority and the prosecutor's office.

The cost of the public opinion survey was not listed for 2024 or 2025, with no record of a public procurement process in the Electronic Public Procurement System. We submitted a public data request to Paks Nuclear Power Plant Ltd.

But he did so legally. In an ethical way? Not so sure.