Eszter KATUS

These unproven accusations can now destroy independent editorial offices and civil society organizations under the so-called transparency bill.

The prime minister's new press chief is a co-owner of a construction company, which won hundreds of millions of HUF in public funds through a few invitation-only public procurement tenders.

Despite mounting deficits in Hungary’s yearly state budget, no expenses are spared when it comes to developing Kisvárda, hometown of Fidesz MP Miklós Seszták.

After joining an opposition party, former army chief-of-staff Romulusz Ruszin-Szendi was slammed by pro-government media for an expensive mansion. We looked into how the construction of the residence got approved.

Long-time Fidesz campaigner Gyula Balásy's companies are winning communication contracts with no real competition.

Our newspaper has reported on the cases of suspected corruption that the NNI is forced to investigate thanks to the intervention of Ágnes Vadai, the Integrity Authority and the prosecutor's office.

The cost of the public opinion survey was not listed for 2024 or 2025, with no record of a public procurement process in the Electronic Public Procurement System. We submitted a public data request to Paks Nuclear Power Plant Ltd.

But he did so legally. In an ethical way? Not so sure.

Police seized documents at the office of the Integrity Authority over suspected unlawful car rentals. The dissolution of the authority could be in the cards, signaling Orbán giving up on frozen EU funds.

After seeing authorities ignoring our reports, last year we decided not only to investigate but also officially report suspected cases of corruption.

Residency bonds, propaganda factories, family businesses - many cases of suspected corruption could have lead to the sanctioning of Orbán's second-in-command.